As has been
discussed in the previous two chapters, there have been remarkable changes in
the doctrines, norms and practices of the C&S Society and consequently her
acceptance within the General Assembly of Christians over the past seventy
years (as at 1995) of its existence. It has been said that the only constant is
change. Life - culture, Society, and technology - is always changing and there
is hardly anything wrong in a church changing in response to its environment. Scriptures
and the doctrines of Christ do however transcend such ephemeral human changes.
Thus, God almighty declared:
“I
am the Lord, and I do not change”
Malachi
3:6 (GNB)
The issue is succinctly put by M.O.
Rufai1 (in his lectures on Theology and the Local church):
“The Gospel and
doctrines of Christ are not subject to cultural variations, viz
lifestyles, dressing, ceremonies, etc., but the presentation of the Gospel must
be so subject.”
Some of the factors to be discussed
might be described as positive while some could be seen as negative though such
categorization might depend on the bias of the observer. However, in this and the following two chapters,
we are only concerned with identifying the factors that has led to the observed
changes. Borrowing from Larry Crabb’s ABC theory of classifying emotions, the
resulting implication (on the well–being of the C&S) from a particular
factor will be determinant to concluding whether such a factor is positive or
negative.
In this chapter we consider general
factors which inevitably affect doctrines and practices in all young
(Christian) organizations. These are discussed under two headings: Normal
evolution in space and time, and Economic
factors.
3.1. Normal Evolution in Space and Time
Norms, practices
and interpretation of doctrines usually have to be periodically reviewed in
order for an organization to remain relevant in its society. For example, in
1964, the Roman Catholic Church convened the second Vatican council which
sought to push the church out of the Middle Ages into modern society – and with
remarkable success. Other Churches do this too on periodic basis. In some sense,
all the factors to be discussed in this book could be treated as normal
evolution and adjustments in response to environmental impulses, however while
some changes are inevitable or even expected, others are not so clearly
inevitable. Under the present heading (Normal Evolution), we address the first
category of factors.
In the already quoted 1968
statement of Dr Abiola, he had observed:
“. . . We now have
enlightened people – Doctors, Lawyers, Engineers etc..- within the C&S. We
need to thank God for this. But we must not become complacent. There are
irregularities in the Society: these must be put right. Your fathers
established the C&S according to their limited understanding. It is
incumbent on you their children to improve on their work”.
Thus, clearly because of the
unplanned and rather spontaneous beginnings of the C&S resulting in the
adhockery of most of the initial practices, coupled with the various
limitations on the founding fathers and even the society in which they lived,
it is expected that changes will be introduced in the course of time; moreso,
as the Society moves from its initially entirely Yoruba-speaking background to
other geographical locations.
Unfortunately, due to other factors
to be discussed later, most of the changes introduced were hardly ever
uniformly accepted or subsequently adopted across the entire spectrum of the
Society and in several instances, such changes were precipitating factors for
further schisms.
One of the most important root
factors that should be mentioned under this heading is the development of
self-awareness and unique identity among members of a young organization as
time goes on. This is very true in the C&S Society with significant implications.
Initially, the Society was seen as a mass revival movement, truly and fully
ecumenical, comprising of members who routinely attended other Churches, and even
holding important positions there. Peel put down this fact in the following popular words:
“The Society was originally intended as a supplement to church
services . Archdeacon Sodeinde and Rev
Barber of the African Church served on the anniversary committee; Rev Ajayi
Ajagbe, superintendent of Abeokuta Methodist Circuit, once preached publicly
in the name of the Society; Rev W.R.B. Kuye, principal of Abeokuta Grammar
School, used to come down from Abeokuta especially for the Saturday-Sunday
watchnight, which was, and remain (in 1968) the most important service
of the week”
This factor is further supported by
the fact that even by 1930 when Moses Orimolade registered the first faction of
the C&S (the Eternal Sacred Order of Cherubim and Seraphim, Mt Zion), the
Constitution explicitly lists in paragraph 14 under “Meetings” only three
permanent weekly meetings viz: Sunday evening, Wednesday evening, and
Thursday evening. The exclusion of Sunday morning services is therefore no
doubts to allow people worship in their various other churches at this
time.
Today, it will be very difficult to
imagine ordained ministers of other denominations openly preaching in the name
of the C&S as presently constituted. Unfortunately, as the C&S tried to
assert and affirm its own identity, especially in view of criticisms from some
‘big-wigs’ in the Church, it came up with separatist norms and practices which
gradually created barriers and disturbed easy participation in her services by
non-members.
Indeed, most Christians from other
denominations might have difficulties feeling at home in C&S churches with
the various dos and don’ts now in place. In this regard, the C&S Church as
at this point of her evolution, unfortunately fails one of the William
Barclay’s tests for a church remaining relevant in her Society: “Does it remove
or erect barriers between itself and other Christians?”
A glimmer of what these changes
imply can be gleaned if one attends one of the very few remaining
interdenominational services under the auspices of the C&S Society, such as
obtains on some designated holy hills. A typical service at the Olorunkole Hill.
for instance, could be led by a man not wearing prayer gown, and incense and
candles are usually absent.
Another result, perhaps more
deep-rooted, is the idea which developed in time, that the C&S Society is
not only different from other Christian assemblies, but is in fact superior to
them, being more ‘graced’ and in fact operating under different laws and
principles. Expressions of this idea vary from the numerous justifications of
unchristian acts from ‘gifted’ prophets to the notion that in the Pauline model
of the Church being the Body of Christ, the C&S would be the very heart of
the Body. In the very extreme, there is also the assertion by the Holy
Apostles’ community of Aiyetoro (present Ondo State) that their religion is
different from the religion of other Christians because it is based on the
“covenant of the heart promised by Jesus”.
It is the suggestion here in this
book that an over-excitement in wanting to be different could predispose a
group to a mindset leading to the seeking and erecting of barriers (in forms of
doctrines, norms, and practices) between itself and others. This is especially
easy in a set-up where according to Omoyajowo “an oral interpretation of the
divine activity, private individual claims to the Holy scripture” is rife. Of course, this is time-dependent and has
been observed in virtually all major denominations which invariably all started
as spiritual active movements but in course of time found that the intensity of
the spiritual fire is not maintained and incoming generations have to
“supplement” with frequent recourse to past glories and adoption of a superior
attitude to other church groups.
From early accounts, the C&S
Society might indeed have some reasons to feel they are superior to other
denominations especially as the Society itself was not considered a Church on
its own, but rather a Factor to generate revivals in the established Churches.
However, as the Society developed into a separate Church, a carry–over of this
superiority mentality unfortunately persisted leading to a case of one leaving
the plank in one’s eyes to point at the speck in the eyes of others (Mat
7:3-4). David Watson’s view on this attitude is quite instructive3:
“No group within
the church can claim a special monopoly of the Spirit. All true Christians have
the Spirit within them…it is dangerous when some Christians claim a special
possession of the spirit in a way that is not available for the ordinary
Christian. It was such a proud bias that led to Gnosticism; which assumed
superior enlightenment for the initiated; and later to Montanism, and to the
long succession of cults and sects, all of which claim divine authority for
freshly revealed teachings that are beyond, and often contradictory to, God’s
self-revelation in the Scriptures”
This superiority complex, added to
other factors, soon led to formal persecution from the other Churches. At least there are records of the Methodist Churches,
the African Church Communion, and the Anglican Church forbidding their members
from participating in the C&S Society.
This situation of having to develop
a unique identity under persecution by other Christians, can further be a
factor influencing the evolutionary trend of beliefs, doctrines, and practices.
One can expect that members will be required to prove their loyalties to the
new Society by going through ultra-stringent conditions. According to the
account by Omoyajowo, several key members of the C&S Society preferred to
remain in their old denominations when forced to make a clear choice between
the new Society and the orthodox Church; although they encouraged their
siblings to go with the new Society. The
case of the African Communion denouncing the “Seraphic Society” and forbidding
their members from participating in the Society has already been mentioned. It
is conceivable that one way of testing the loyalty could be the donning of the
white gown. Even till today, a member is only fully accepted and considered
serious with the Society, only upon obtaining a “prayer gown”.
It is however, a well-established
fact that originally, only the Baba Aladura, and later on a few (specifically,
members of the prestigious Praying Band), wore white gowns. In fact, the
Constitution registered by Moses Orimolade in 1930 stated categorically in
Section 13 under paraphernalia:
“The robes and
other paraphernalia of the Order shall be worn only on such occasions as the
Baba Aladura shall decide or direct. . .”
This quite clearly then precludes a
routine use for every service as is the practice today in many C&S Churches.
A probable explanation on how the prayer gown came to be one of the possible
tests of loyalty in the first instance will be discussed later in Chapter 4.
Obviously, as the Society developed
its own identity and becomes less interdenominational, the times for services
also changed. The introduction of Sunday morning services no doubts has
considerably detracted from the importance formerly accorded the Saturday/Sunday
watchnight services as seen in the earlier quote from Omoyajowo. In many churches
where this service is still observed, it has now become a once-a-month affair.
As a full-fledged Church now, several C&S churches have one form of service
or the other, virtually every day of the week.
Other factors that can be mentioned
as resulting in changes in doctrines, norms, and practices as time went on
would be the various changes in society itself (for instance the introduction
of western instruments of music will influence the kinds and manners of songs
sang), and also the changes as the Society moves from Yoruba culture into other
cultural expressions in Nigeria and abroad. Good examples of these include the
necessity of translating hymns and liturgies into other languages and the
granting of permission to wear shoes into the church during winter (overseas)
in some factions that do not normally allow such in their congregations located
in tropical regions. Once again it must be emphasized that even simple obvious
changes as the above could lead to serious problems in the typical C&S church.
For instance, the attempts to introduce the use of English language in some
congregations of the (campus-based) Unification Ministries of the C&S met
with stiff local resistance from people who claim that praying in English
language will somehow dilute the efficacy of the prayers and was tantamount to
changing the ordinances (‘pipa ilana da’) – even when English is the
usual form of expression in such (academic) communities!
Also, as time went on, the
dichotomy between literate and illiterate members, originally all well-mixed
together, continued to grow. This is largely due to their different
interpretations of the C&S phenomenon and practices. As will be mentioned
later, while some considered it anathema and ‘changing of ordinances’ to
introduce benches in place of mats in the church, create specialized departments
for handling different duties, audit the church’s financial account, or pray in
the English language, others, usually more educated, feel that such measures
are indeed inevitable and of no fundamental significance. The second major
schism in the C&S Society actually arose from this kind of factor when the
elite Praying Band group left the Baba Aladura to form their own Praying Band
faction after the Baba Aladura, as one observer put it, “refused to be reduced
to a mere ceremonial head”. Even as late as 1965, such a misunderstanding led
to the dismissal of a Baba Aladura of the Mt Zion section of the E.S.O,
C&S, Elder J.S, Olugbusi, both from his exalted office and from the
section. Omoyajowo has the account4:
The trouble began, according to him (Olugbusi), when he
objected to the altering of certain articles of the Constitution registered by
Orimolade in 1930. He alleged that the Advisory Board described the
Constitution as a commercial one which did not look like the Constitution
of a church. A decision was therefore taken to the effect that the articles of
the Constitution be reframed along the lines of the Constitutions of churches
in Lagos. Their argument was that when the original Constitution was compiled,
Orimolade did not anticipate that the Society would develop into a church.
Olugbusi claimed he opposed the proposal very vehemently because Moses
Orimolade had strictly warned them against altering anything in the policy of
the order…”
The
problem of course was that while no qualms were felt for turning the Society
into a Church, people were reluctant to go the whole length and change other
parts of the Constitution that would be necessary to make the transition
complete.
The
situation described above has been repeated in countless situations within the
C&S Society. Indeed the situation,
thirty years later, with the Unification Ministries of the C&S, mentioned
earlier in the first chapter of this book, was literally the same as the 1965
story at the Mt Zion section. Only that
in this latter case, it was the Leader, Prophet M.O. Rufai, who was adamant on
introducing the changes whilst a significant section of the group vehemently
resisted.
3.2
Economic and Social Factors
The state of the
national/international economy and society is another important factor to
consider in the study of the evolution of doctrines, norms, and practices in a
young religious organization and is well-exemplified in the C&S Society. In the very early times, liturgies and
structures in the C&S were kept to the barest minimum. However, as the Society acquired an identity of its own and
started functioning as a Church, more elaborate forms developed as previously
discussed.
The C&S, in particular,
developed at a time of strong nationalistic feelings centered around Lagos. It
is reasonable to expect that ripples from the society will have influence on
the developments within the new Society. In particular, in the oil-boom era in
Nigeria when the economy was very buoyant it is conceivable that that period
could be conducive to elaborate forms and practices such as the use of candles
for virtually every prayer/service and rituals which could be expensive to put
together today. Interviews with members of the Society reveal that visions
requiring members to bring candle to church for prayers are on the decrease
today. Even for formal services, the use of candle is gradually ebbing out,
with several churches either introducing electric lamps in lighting their
‘altars’ and others actually completely doing away with any light. This of
course represents enormous shift in beliefs – for the C&S Society has in
the course of its development, come to see itself as a replica of the heavenly
hosts and must therefore be faithful in reproducing the heavenly pattern of
worship. The seven lamps representing the seven Spirits of God (Rev 4:5) was
therefore considered essential to the set–up before any services could
validly commence.
Though in some congregations the
relegation of the use of candles to the background may not necessarily be a
purely economic issue (social influence is also very strong) in others, it
certainly is. The author is for instance
aware of congregations who at some earlier period insisted that not only must
candles (seven) be burned for all services, those candles must be brand new,
that is, not half-used. However, with considerable increase in the cost of
candles, the electric lamp was introduced to replace candles. And when this could not be used for some
reasons, candles were re-introduced, but this time around, they are placed on
the altar unlighted. In this case the candles can be re-used ad infinitum
without violating the “spiritual injunction” on ‘half-used’ candles! When it becomes absolutely necessary to burn
candles, then only one or three are used.
This example, showing a varying
emphasis on the importance of the candle, due, at least partly, to economic
factors can be extended to similar practices of the C&S Society including
use of incense, or prescriptions of periodic hosting of love-feasts.
The state of the economy would also
no doubts contribute to dressing. Although it has been noted that the 1930
Constitution registered by Orimolade sought to regulate the use of robes,
Famodimu suggests that he (Orimolade) might have eventually allowed a general
unrestricted use of the prayer gown for economic reasons. According to Famodimu5:
“Moses
Orimolade…was the first person in Nigeria who would have church uniform made
for all the members of his church denomination – women, men and children.
Other(s) had church uniform for their church workers or choir. But that of
MOSES IS FOR ALL THE MEMBERS, WHY? HE KNEW THAT THIS WOULD ENABLE MEMBERS TO
CONCENTRATE DURING THE SERVICES. HE UNDERSTOOD THE INEQUALITY OF THE RICH AND
THE POOR, GREAT AND SMALL, EDUCATED AND UNEDUCATED AMONG HIS PEOPLE. THEREFORE WHEN ALL WEAR THE SAME UNIFORM
THERE WOULD BE NO ENVY, NO JEALOUSY, NO POOR, NO RICH, ALL WOULD BE ONE BEFORE
THE LORD. AFTER THE SERVICE YOU CAN WEAR YOUR OWN GORGEOUS APPAREL AND EXHIBIT
YOUR RICHES’ and secondly, the heavenly Cherubim and Seraphim are in one
shining, lightning UNIFORM before the Lord”. (Emphases in the original quote)
In reality however, it would appear
that mere changing garments before entering the Prayer House could hardly stop
people being “envious” of other people’s dressings since unlike some other
‘white garment churches’, such as the Celestial church of Christ, members of
the C&S are often allowed to come to the church in other dresses, only to
change them (in the vestry) before entering the Prayer House for services.
People are therefore still able to “exhibit (their) riches” before or after the
service. Also, depending on the economic power of the congregation, ‘the
competition’ could easily shift from the “carnal dress” (Aso-Ara) to the
prayer gown itself. It is usual in many Churches for special expensive prayer
gowns to be bought for different occasions. One of the accusations levied
against E.O Coker by the Advisory Board of the C&S was that he “sold…
garments to members...at exorbitant prices”6
The wearing of caps in the prayer
house by male members of the E.S.O C&S has also been attributed to Abraham
Onanuga whose only reason was supposedly “to distinguish Mount Zion Section
from the other sections as the parent body within which the founder breathed
his last”8. However, William Onanuga was known as a specialist in
“making embroidery on caps” and through him “a few caps were provided for Moses
Orimolade. This has been cited as the origin of wearing caps in the C&S (see
next Chapter). Surely the commercial interest and personal bias of Onanuga to
wearing of caps cannot be missed from the above references. It is unfortunate
to note that “according to H.A. Philips, the introduction of wearing caps in
services constituted the main reason for the collapse of the union of Mount
Zion and Praying Band sections effected by the Alake of Abeokuta in 1934”7.
In a sense, the taboo on the Aso
Ebi (“group dressing” in Yoruba Society) is often violated as groups within
the church create various special garments for occasion such celebrations,
anniversaries, etc. Omoyajowo, quoting and supporting Weber, believes, that
social and economic interests stand under taboo sanctions, and that clearly the
forbidding of Aso Ebi and even the evolution of the prayer garment are
obviously economic-based.
The major influence of the economy
on the evolution of C&S doctrines and practices however is no doubt the
wide-spread commercialization of the sect. The C&S group, being unorganized
(centrally), is the only church which anybody can form without even necessarily
having been part of it before. Omoyajowo noted in one of the footnotes in his
book Diversity in Unity8:
“At
the Lagos Bar Beach hundreds of white–robed prophets and prophetesses have
erected sheds where they worship and counsel visitors. Many of them have been
found to be rascals who exploit visitors to the Beach. Although most of them
call themselves parts of the C&S section in Lagos, they actually have
nothing to do with the C&S section in Lagos. Even those who had been
C&S members among them, took refuge at the Beach after they had been
expelled from their respective sections.”
It is therefore clear that the C&S is the natural breeding place for charlatans and fakes. This is one of the major factors why there are arbitrary changes in the doctrines and practices, according to whatever either suits or catches the fancy of the proprietor/founder.
Of course, there are also cases of
several genuine C&S practitioners who on account of downturns in economy
decided to move gradually from the pathway of holiness to ‘doctrines of devils’.
Although we have treated this as a factor common to all young religious
organization, we should note further that by her disorganized nature, coupled
with her considerable emphasis on the supernatural, the C&S is a place
where such factors can easily lead to rapid changes in doctrines, practices,
and norms. According to Peel, the
C&S doctrine is definitely ‘this-worldly’.
Notes
1. M.O.
Rufai. Lecture on Theology and the Local
Church. Saturday 29th July,
1995 at the Zion Missions Theological college, Ipaja.
2. Peel,
J. D. Y. Aladura: A Religious Movement Among the Yoruba. London:
Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press,
1968. Pg 73.
3.
David Watson. I believe in the Church. Pg 62
4.
Omoyajowo. Diversity in Unity, pp 39-40.
5.
Famodimu pg 101
6.
Omoyajowo. Diversity in Unity, pp 37.
7.
Omoyajowo. History of …. Pg 163
8.
Omoyajowo. Diversity in Unity. Pp 27
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