"Gefu (1988) noted that all
projects embarked upon after World War II was state-sponsored, with foreign
agencies contributing part of the capital. Enclosed systems represent a
powerful ideology, and the history of colonial and post-colonial development
and command economies is littered with failed attempts to introduce them
throughout both the dry tropics and the temperate grasslands of Eurasia. In
Nigeria, such systems have had a long and unsuccessful history dating back to
the early colonial era (e.g. Dunbar, 1970);
Should
(and can) the Nigerian governments afford to venture into such abortive
Ranching option in this economic depression era? No. Ranching should be a private
initiative and responsibility of private commercial livestock farmers of all
tribes"
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RANCHES,
GRAZING RESERVES AND (FULANI) PASTORALISM IN NIGERIA: PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE
BY
BABALOBI,
OLUTAYO OLAJIDE (DVM, MPVM, PHD; FCVSN), LECTURER, RESEARCHER AND CONSULTANT EPIZOOTIOLOGIST, DEPARTMENT OF VETERINARY PUBLIC HEALTH AND
PREVENTIVE MEDICINE, FACULTY OF VETERINARY MEDICINE, UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN, IBADAN, NIGERIA May
2016
THE
NATURE AND STATE OF PASTORALISM IN NIGERIA
Pastoralism is a form of
livestock Production economy consisting on primary reliance on the production
of domestic animals (cattle, sheep and goat) for at least 50% of a family’s
subsistence (Frantz 1980, Salmon 1980). Pastoralists are a group of people for
whom pastoral activities (herding and care of animals) account for more than
70% of working time and provide more than 50% of total family. Apart from being an economic activity, it
also has important socioeconomic, sociocultural and political significance.
The socioeconomic importance
is due to its provision of employment, food and income for pastoralists and
their household (wives, children and dependents). The sociocultural importance
is embodied in at least two cultural values central to the identity of the
(Fulbe) pastoralist. These values are “Pulaaku”
(essence of being Fulbe) and “nai” (cattle)
(see VerEecke 1991). The political influence is found in the nomadic Fulani’s
penchant to align with and influence local authorities, while attempting to
dominate local ethnic land owing crop farmers. The prize is unhindered access
to grazing land
This penchant is the reason
for the Fulani pastoral support for Othman Dan Fodio in his 19th
century Jihad in Northern Nigeria (SLDP 1985). It is also responsible for the
annual recurrent clashes between crop farmers and cattle rearers for land,
previously only in the north and middle belt zones of Nigeria, but now also in
the southwestern and southeastern zones.
In West Africa, the FulÂșe
cattle nomads in the Sahelian region began a jihad in 1804, conquering the
seven original Hausa kingdoms of today's northern Nigeria and pushing eastwards
to today's northern Cameroon. They settled as rulers of the kingdoms they
conquered, dispensed with their cattle and, in most cases, switched to the
language of the peoples of their empire. Meanwhile, their "brothers",
who still herded cattle, migrated still further into Central Africa, impelled
onwards by ever-increasing arable expansion (FAO 2011).
There are at least six major
groups of pastoralists in Nigeria (Awogbade 1988, Falobi 1998) as follows